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English to Arabic - Rates: 0.08 - 0.10 USD per word / 35 - 50 USD per hour / 1.00 - 1.50 USD per audio/video minute French to Arabic - Rates: 0.08 - 0.12 USD per word / 35 - 50 USD per hour / 1.00 - 1.50 USD per audio/video minute Arabic to English - Rates: 0.08 - 0.12 USD per word / 35 - 50 USD per hour / 1.00 - 1.50 USD per audio/video minute French to English - Rates: 0.08 - 0.12 USD per word / 35 - 50 USD per hour / 1.00 - 1.50 USD per audio/video minute
English to Arabic: The Return of Tunisian Jihadists from Areas of Armed Islamic Conflict and Effective Public Policies to Address their Cases
Source text - English لمحة عامة:
تواجه تونس تهديدا "جهاديا" جدّيا وخطير من عودة "المقاتلين التونسيين" الحاملين للجنسية التونسية أو المزدوجة ) مهما كان وصفهذه العودة اختيارية ومعلومة من السّلطات الأمنية أو سرّية أو تسلمًا بموجب تعاون دولي قضائي تنفيذا لبطاقات جلب دولية صادرة عن الجهات القضائية التونسية أو في إطار مفاوضات ثنائية لاستعادة كل دولة "المقاتلين الجهاديين" الحاملين لجنسيتها.
تتأكد خطورة هؤلاء العائدين الذين حملوا السّلاح وتدربوا عليه وارتكبوا جرائم في العراق، وسوريا، وليبيا، واليمن ،ومالي، وأفغانستان،وباكستان، و ازواد بمالي ، وسيناء بمصر ، وشمال شرق نيجيريا ، ،وبعض الجبال والصحراء الجزائريين، في تواصلهم المباشر مع التنظيمات التي تنشط في الجبال التونسية والعدد الكبير من التونسيين "الارهابيين المحتملين" بالمعنى "القانوني" و"الجهاديين" بالمعنى الفقهي ، الذين منعتهم وزارة الداخلية من السّفر إلى مناطق النزاع الإسلامي المسلح قصد الانضمام إلي "تنظيم القاعدة"، أو إلى تنظيم "الدولة الإسلامية في العراق والشام" (داعش) وروافده ، أو إلى التنظيمات الإسلامية المسلحة المشابهة (جبهة النصرة ، أحرار الشام، جيش الإسلام، جند الخلافة .....).
طرحت خطورة هذه العودة تحديّات جدّية على الدّولة التونسية ودبلوماسيتها ،تمثلت في عدم معرفتها عدد العائدين سرّيا وعدد العازمون على العودة الاختيارية أو القسرية بالتسليم. وتمثلت التحديات كذلك في رفض تيار واسع من المجتمع لعودتهم ،وفي إيجاد آليات ناجعة للتعامل معهم، فالدّولة مقيدة من جهة بوجوب حماية الحقوق التي تضمنها لهم المواثيق الدّولية، ومن جهة أخرى ملزمة بمحاكمتهم ،محاكمات عادلة منعا لإفلاتهم من العقاب، ثمّ تأهيلهم وإدماجهم من جديد في المجتمع بعد قضاء العقوبات السّجينة السالبة للحرية.
ولمواجهة هذا التهديد الجدّي والمتأكد، محمول على السّلطات التونسية أن تشرع في وضع سياسات عمومية خاصة بالعائدين من بؤر التوتر قابلة للتنفيذ وناجعة توازن في ذات الوقت بين ضمان الحقوق الإنسانية لهؤلاء العائدين ومكافحة إفلاتهم من العقاب وتأهيلهم للاندماج من جديد في المجتمع حتى يقبلها الفاعلين السّياسيين، والاجتماعيين، والنخب، والجمعيات الأهلية، و يقتنع بها الصّحفيين، والنقابات الأمنية الذين لهم قدرة كبيرة على تهييج الشعور العام برفض عودة المقاتلين أو تهدئته تحضيرا لقبولهم ومصالحتهم.
يمكن أن تقوم هذه السّياسات العمومية الجديدة على الجمع بين عدّة عناصر متظافرة ومندمجة ومتفاعلة (أمنية، وقانونية، وقضائية، وثقافية ،ودينية،وتربوية، وإعلامية...) ،وهو ما تفتضيه الطبيعة المركبة للفعل الإجرامي الإرهابي وتعدد أبعاده.
Translation - Arabic General overview:
Tunisia is facing a serious « Jihadist » threat posed by the return of Tunisian fighters (of Tunisian or dual nationality). This return comes in various forms and takes different labels. For it can be voluntary, known to national security authorities or clandestine. It may also be the result of extradition through judicial channels of cooperation to execute international arrest warrants issued by Tunisian judicial authorities or it can also fall under the framework of bilateral negotiations for the repatriation and prosecution of Foreign Terrorist Fighters (FTFs) in their countries of origin.
The risks posed by these returnees who took up arms, received military training, and committed atrocities in Iraq, Syria, Libya, Yemen, Mali, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Mali’s Azawed, Egypt’s Sinai and North East Nigeria, is all the more serious as they have established direct communication with active organizations present in Tunisian mountains along with the greater numbers of Tunisian “potential fighters”, in legal, jihadist and doctrinal sense. This particular category stands for those whom the ministry of interior banned from travelling to areas of armed Islamic conflicts in order to join “El-Queda”, “ISIS” and its affiliated factions or other similar armed Islamist organizations ( Nosra Front, Ahrar El-Sham, Jaych El-Islam (Army of Islam) and Jond El-Khilafa (Soldiers of the Caliphate)).
The underlying hazards of such return present a challenging situation to be addressed by the Tunisian State and its diplomacy, for the numbers of those clandestine returnees as well as those willing to return voluntarily or forcibly through extradition remain totally undetermined. Another important challenge is the general social hostility to and rejection of those fighters’ return, together with the lack of effective mechanism to address them. In this regard, the state is stuck in a dilemma of sorts, bound on the one hand to observe the rights enshrined by international treaties, and obligated on the other to guarantee fair trials and end impunity, to subsequently rehabilitate and reintegrate them in their communities upon serving their prison sentences.
Facing this seriously immediate threat, it is incumbent upon Tunisian authorities to embark on setting public policies addressing returnees from hotbeds of tension; Not only should these be effective and viable, but they should also strike an essential balance between the basic human rights of returnees and an ending to all forms of impunity, while equally providing for community rehabilitation and social reintegration. Such policies ought to be sensibly formulated to be assimilated and accepted by political and social actors and elite groups as well as community associations, journalists, and, most importantly, police syndicates which have a great sway and are capable of stirring the public sentiment for or against the return and reconciliation with these fighters.
These novel public policies should center around an underlying principle, namely the convergence of several concerted and integrated elements (security, legal, judicial, cultural, religious, educational, and media…), all quintessential to the management of the complex and multidimensional nature of the terrorist criminal act.
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Translation education
Master's degree - Ecole Normale Supérieure
Experience
Years of experience: 9. Registered at ProZ.com: Apr 2024. Became a member: May 2024.
English (University of Manouba, verified) English (Ecole Normale Supérieure, verified) English (Université de Tunis, verified) English to Arabic (Master's degree)
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Software
DeepL, Matecat, Phrase, Reverso, Trados , Trados Studio
Help or teach others with what I have learned over the years
Bio
Vibrant, creative and resourceful academic, translator and conference interpreter with a proven ability to provide high-quality interpretation and translation services. Along with written translation and video subtitling, our services include offering English, Arabic and French simultaneous, consecutive and remote interpreting for high-profile meetings, conferences, seminars and workshops in a wide variety of fields including, inter alia, human rights, legal, political and social affairs as well as economy, security, counter terrorism.
Boasting demonstratable experience with serveral international organizations and entities, both onsite and remotely.
Non-exhaustive list of organizations with whom I collaborated :
IFES
Pragma
PILPG
Chemonics
Expertise France
Interpol
Europol / Eurojust
CEPOL
IRGN- Libyan Investment portfolio
UN Agencies (UNHCR – UNICEF- OCHA- UNFPA-IOM-WHO- FAO- UNSMIL-UNDP)
Forward thinking Organization
US Embassy in Tunisia - Several Programs and projects
British Council – Libyan peace dialogue
UK Embassy -- Several Projects
US embassy Libya – Oil subsidy reform meetings
World Bank and IMF
Friedrich Ebert Stiftung
United States Institute of Peace - USIP (Long term consultant interpreter)
International Public Services – Regional workshop on Climate change
Institut Français and Reporters sans Frontier
International IDEA
BBC media action
Anna Lindh Foundation
British Embassy - British trade envoy’s visit to Tunisia
Danish Refugee Council – alternatives to detention in Libya (September)
Acted
GIZ
US embassy and Oberlin college: Project on protecting archaeological sites
National Democratic Institute: training on electoral systems
international Republican Institute (IRI)
ICMPD – EASO – Open Media Hub Migration Media Award
GIZ
Danish Institute for Human Rights, Tunisia.
National Democratic Institute: training on electoral systems
international Republican Institute (IRI)
Bureau for International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL)
Member since May '24
Expertise